Letter to Hong Kong - original version from 蔡素玉
Dear Hong Kong,
Hong Kong is really a land of many wonders, a place of endless surprises at the most unexpected moment.
I am talking about the leave of former, yes, “former” by now, Chief Executive Mr CH Tung, and the elevation of Mr Donlad Tsang, our new leader at the Executive Branch.
These fast-break changes came at the most unexpected moment when Mr Tung seemed to be riding over the tuff tides, heading for a soft sailing after the economy has been obviously bottoming out.
Probably, the Central Government was impressed by the results of the Legislative Council elections last year, which showed that Hong Kong people as a whole are rational and considerate. So, there is no much need in erecting unsurmountable barriers between different political camps with different political history.
Time and again, the Central leadership has been calling on all forces in Hong Kong to forget and forgive past differences, and build a better Hong Kong.
I sincerely hope that our friends at the Democratic Camp will heed the earnest appeal of the Central Government, tear down the barriers and come forward to co-operate with the Central Government and the new SAR administration.
Dear Hong Kong, let us kick off a virtuous cycle. All are welcome!Hong Kong belongs to us all, we are all in the same family, we are all in the same boat. We should not separate us apart from each other.
Donald has been generally ruled out for the top job by many well-informed and well-connected quarters. Certainly, he was always a contender, but was viewed mostly as an also-run included for the sake of comprehensiveness of the list. By virtue of the incumbency position, his only real chance was in case of dire emergency. Surely Hong Kong was in no emergency. In fact, we are returning to normalcy in all fronts, and as a whole.
On the eve of Hong Kong returning to China on 30 June 1997, Donald was knighted by Prince Charles while Mrs Anson Chan remains a common. It appeared to the general public that Mrs Anson Chan was waiting for her turn to the top while Donald realistically counted himself out.
Paradoxes are the order of the day. Exactly because he is ruled out by the public, even by himself that he is picked. Those who were aiming at it with all their minds and hearts, exactly because of their tenacious efforts, were dropped.
After the mass demonstrations in July 1 in 2003 and 2004, Beijing appeared to have completed a comprehensive plan for Hong Kong --accelerating integration with China in all material and spiritual fronts.
Donald Tsang knows the Hong Kong Establishment and government machinery inside out. That is a tremendous help, could even be an indispensable part, to China’s new plan for Hong Kong.
In view of this new think, the world has been turned upside down. China forgive and forget. All things seem to be re-defined, re-configurated and re-orientated in the new context of total integration between Hong Kong and the Mainland.
This could be a political landscape shift, of the scale and magnitude of a continental shift, reminiscent of China’s Open and Reform Policy in the late 70’s.
Previously impossibilities become new possibilities, even necessities; normalcy and abnormalcy were reversed; assets liabilities, and liabilities assets.
In time of landscape shift, Paradoxes reign supreme.
China appears to be departing from China’s entrenched position based on ideology of nationalism. Now Effectuality of Governance and economic recovery seem to take precedence over ideology of nationalism and become the core issue overriding other concerns.
Loyalty and deference are secondary to competence and performance. After all, Hong Kong is all under control. Loyalty and deference are non-issues, the real issues are competence and performance.
A Hong Kong after 155 years of British rule has become a full-fledged quasi-modern society with world-class cosmopolitan attributes. China may now view Hong Kong as a turn-key project and Donald Tsang an experienced operator and repairer.
Over the decades, China’s economic reforms and modernization were guided by a Deng saying – “Be it white cat or black cat, a cat that catches mice is a good cat”.
Now, China may be inadvertently taking a page from Deng’s pragmatism -- ”Be it British or Chinese, as far as it works.”
Since the new leadership of Hu Jingtao and Wan Jiaobao took over, China’s concept and practice of governance seem to be taking up a CEO Model which will better serve China in shifting to international and internal political contexts as she is playing a greater role in the modern world.
If China’s rethink on Hong Kong was completed one year later, Arthur Li even York Chow might have a better chance of replacing CH Tung, given Arthur’s and York’s need for time to shape up their competence and performance in leadership. If CH Tung stepped down one year earlier, Henry Tang might get the top job.
Donald Tsang’s supreme good luck guides him through impossibilities, against all odds. China’s rethink on Hong Kong was completed not one year earlier, nor one year later. Paradoxes occur in perfect timing for him.
However, the political reality now does not necessarily mean sure win for Donald Tsang.
Over the decades, Donald was a staunch supporter of the British rule. It is not a matter of policy only, but a matter of personal style and relations. There seems a cultural gap and emotional distance lying between him and the patriotic forces. While policies and official matters could more easily be forgotten and forgiven, personal style and relations, culture and emotions are not. He was viewed by some in the Pro-Beijing camp as arrogant and disrespecting of the patriotic values they cherished and treasured over the decades, and paid dear prices for. His elevation alienated quite a few in this camp.
It is generally held that he enjoys a cultural intimacy with the democratic camp. It is uncertain how much that intimacy, can turn into political support and votes in the Legislative Council.
What is apparent is that the Central Government and both opposite camps in Hong Kong would have different, diagonally opposite expectations of him, and he must deliver.
Chances are that he cannot please all in one stroke. When that situation arises, different camps might join forces against him.
His biggest challenge lies in his rethink on his past 40 years of experience in the government, to see firstly what are the quality differences between the new post and his previous postings, and secondly what are the personal instincts and reflexes that are indispensable and must be kept in the new post, and equally important, if not more important, what must be changed and discarded.
Donald the new Chief Executive faces challenges probably still unknown to him, and us, now.
In view of the socio-political landscape changes taking place, we at DAB might also face with new challenges now still unknown to us, too
CHOY So Yuk
2 則留言:
蔡素玉「批曾」不成氣候
明報 2005-04-08 吳康民
蔡素玉批評曾蔭權的風波,不成氣候,幾天便告平息。
曾蔭權藉此對坊間批評他「小器」、「記仇」進行反擊,不但不責備她,也不沉默不語,反而大方地出來講話,說蔡是他的「好朋友」,她的話是「出於善意」,果然有大將風度!
蔡素玉的話為什麼不成氣候呢?
第一,她不是傳統左派,她是在「福建幫」勢力壯大之際,被推出來的一員小將。她是託省籍之福,託選舉之福,成為政壇名人。而且她也極相信運氣,她是運氣好才兩次當選立法會議員。將心比心,所以善意地提醒曾蔭權,他靠的是「好運氣」。
第二,她的話也明顯不代表「泛愛國派」。中央挺曾,「泛愛國派」中的有識之士以至半有識之士,難道不懂得這個道理,難道會在這個關鍵時刻與中央對?幹?
第三,說傳統左派要通過蔡素玉之口對曾蔭權施壓,以便在曾上台後能多給左派點好處,這也更不通。傳統左派如果用上這低招,那是水平極低。傳統左派不是沒有人才和智囊,斷不會出此下策,給人笑柄。
相信蔡素玉的言論只代表她自己,不代表民建聯,也不代表傳統左派。
那麼,為什麼蔡素玉要發表這番言論呢,按照筆者的看法,潮流興「出位」,有人聲言要出山競逐特首,有人要搶先要求「司法覆核」,蔡認為是時機要來點「出位」的言論,以突出自己,增加一些政治上的知名度。這是政客們經常採用的手法,蔡也不會例外。看她在事後又發表一些「補鑊」的言論,進退失據,可見她發表見解時,並非深思熟慮。
其次,蔡既然是曾的「好朋友」,在近距離接觸中,難免有一些過節或矛盾,藉此發泄一下,也是有可能的。
蔡素玉對曾蔭權的批評,有兩個好處。一是打破公眾對「傳統左派」「輿論一律」、「保皇」的看法。香港既是多元化的社會,「左派」也是多元化的「左派」。百花齊放、百家爭鳴,完全是正常的。
其次,就是給曾蔭權一個洗刷他「個性傲慢」、「為人記仇小器」的機會。他的發言人為此作出的發言,不是為他參選上台加分嗎?
昨天收到蔡素玉的email,附上在《給香港的信》風波後,她為《明報》所寫的《挺曾批曾之間驚濤拍岸》一文,如下:
挺曾批曾之間驚濤拍岸
我為港台英文台寫的《給香港的信》(Letter To Hong Kong),原意是有感於香港社會政治和經濟開始進入新的「後董」階段,希望各派各方彌補過去,向前看,共同管治好香港。董建華往往被批評為不知有問題、低估困難,這封信把我觀察到的、客觀存在的現實狀?及其存在原由,提出來,是不想曾蔭權也犯上這方面的毛病,付出政治代價。想不到,這竟引發一場風波,我整個人彷彿進入危機處理的「緊急狀態」。
這幾星期董下曾上,整個香港處於驚濤駭浪中,波譎雲詭,我寫時已有點預感,會出事故,但我怕的是對中央的新手法的分析,以及在這種新形勢下提曾蔭權的脫穎而出,會被誤會是挺曾,甚而被解讀為中央借我這二三線小人物「軟性」示意,傳達信息。出於這個考慮,我加了幾句對曾蔭權的批評,作為平衡,沒有想到這些副題配菜成為全港媒介幾天的主菜。
這封《給香港的信》,有幾個重點:
一、中央03年和04年7月1日後,似乎調整對港的一些做法,強調管 治能力和水平,以得來不易的經濟復蘇勢頭及和諧社會重心,進一 步加速加大香港和內地的融合。
二、治港者能者居之,最需要的是可以操作政府和平衡社會各方的人選; 曾蔭權正好具備這種條件。
三、具備這種條件者之前和之後都有,如唐英年、李國章和周一嶽;但 這時候董建華下來,曾蔭權幾乎成為唯一最適合的人選。
四、曾蔭權可能自己也一早放棄,卻弔詭地脫穎而出,這也反映政治的 波譎雲詭,以及這次中央對港的大動作。
五、曾蔭權被視為與親中愛國陣營疏離,有文化差距,有些人覺得他不 那麼尊重他們的愛國價值,不了解他們的愛國情懷;他必須明白面 對這種情緒,有所因應,否則將來可能面對幾方面的夾攻。
六、香港現在最急需的是搞好管治,促進得來不易的經濟復蘇勢頭和建 造和諧社會;各方面和各派別應同心協力,搞好香港。
七、經過這轉捩點,香港現在似乎進入新的階段,對每個政黨---包括民 建聯,都面對新的挑戰;民主派人士應放下成見,以建設性參政, 管好香港。
讀這封「Letter To Hong Kong」時,由於是英文,我是非常平淡、平靜的,完全沒有激動情緒(我擔心會悶死人,會趕客),即使有線電視撮錄播出的那段最「激」的,也是軟綿綿,跟席捲全港的媒介風雲相差幾十分貝。徐詠璇在《信報》〈「挺」曾蔭權〉一文說:「蔡素玉果然是煲呔『好朋友』……英文原文,不曾『狠批』曾蔭權……只是老實說出在坊間傳聞已久的左派對曾有意見,但因為在中文傳媒反覆傳播,於是社會反彈很大,認定左派嫌曾是『港英餘孽』、『不愛國』,所以久未浮現的反共情緒又主導了。」她引述我說「Donald Tsang's supreme good luck guides him through impossibilities, against all odds」後,她說:「時勢造英雄,這個我們誰不信?但由蔡素玉口出,意義便另一樣。」
這次事件,我得到的啟發不少,學到不少東西。首先體會到溝通的困難---原來聽出來的是什麼絕大部分是聽者自己要聽的、不是講者要講的,是聽者自己要講的、不是講者要講的。
還有,現代政治是互動式的,更是參與式的。隨?大眾媒介和互聯網興起,每個個人的能量大增,主動性加強;一旦觸動神經線,全社會迅速匯流成大浪潮,湧來湧去。我這次給推上浪尖,又給推下來,很勉強才抽離一點,穩住自己。曾蔭權回應我的批評時,心平氣和說相信我是善意的。他這種抽離自己,跳出爭議的能耐,值得學習。
我更深刻的體會是,我們面對的香港問題,不單是個別政策問題,不單是分割的政治、管治、經濟、民主、福利、環保等問題,而是綜合、整體的文化意識和生命的問題,幾天來風高浪急中來來去去的討論,片言隻字都涉及很多文化和歷史的問題,甚至中英文語言和語言後面的文化、歷史和宗教意識問題(例如arrogance一字)。我面對傳媒要求在瞬息間要對每個名詞和概念詳細闡述,提理據立論,有時實在感到力有不逮。同時深刻體會的是文化差異無處不在,我們從政的面對香港的問題真是需要查找不足,努力補課。
寫這封《給香港的信》,我本意是把客觀存在的問題抖出來,大家對矛盾自覺化,及早因應,解決不了問題有心理準備,做好風險管理和危機處理,進而開啟良性循環。這也是香港開放多元社會的運作模式、成功因素和常識規律。願與港人共勉。
資料來源: 蔡素玉
發佈留言